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The King Abdulaziz Medal of the Third Class was awarded to 200 citizens (male and female) for donating one of their major organs

The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, has approved granting 200 male and female donors from among the citizens

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The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, has approved the awarding of the King Abdulaziz Medal of the Third Class to 200 male and female citizens who donated one of their major organs, whether the organ was from a living person or from a brain-dead person.

The following are the names of the donors: Ibrahim bin Mohammed Suwaidi, Ahmed bin Hussein Al-Zahrani, Ahmed bin Ali Al-Shammari, Ahmed bin Yaman Allah Al-Ghamdi, Al-Waleed bin Muhail Al-Sulami, Ibrahim bin Hanif Al-Mutairi, Ibrahim bin Khalil Al-Anzi, Ibrahim bin Mansour Al-Qunaisi, Ahmed bin Jumaan Al-Zahrani, Aseel Abdullah Al-Ammari, Baqir bin Mohammed Al-Shiti, Badr bin Rizq Allah Al-Yazidi, Badr bin Nasser Al-Rashidi, Bandar bin Saleh Al-Nasser, Turki bin Ghazi Al-Otaibi, Turki bin Mutaib Al-Mazni, Turki bin Madallah Al-Sharari, Turki bin Mashabeb Al-Buqami, Thamer bin Zuhair Abu Jaab, Jasser bin Ayedh Al-Saadi, Jaafar bin Hajji Al-Nasser, Jumaan bin Issa Al-Zahrani, Hatem bin Awad Al-Harbi, Hijab bin Juhaim Al-Dossari, Hussam bin Hassan Talibi, Hussam bin Hassan Al-Jizani, Hussein bin Saeed Al-Dossari, Hammad bin Jabr Al-Anzi, Hamad bin Ahmed Al-Ghatimel, Haider bin Nasser Al-Suwaida, Khalid bin Jassim Al-Ghannam, Khalid bin Salem Al-Kathiri, Khalid bin Saad Al-Shehri, Khalid bin Saleh Al-Ajmi, Khalid bin Abdullah Al-Harbi, Khalid bin Fayez Al-Humairi, Khalid bin Mohammed Al-Zahrani, Raed bin Amer Al-Qahtani, Radif bin Nasser Rithi, Rayan bin Abubakr Salawati, Salem bin Atta Allah Al-Farsi, Samer bin Nasser Al-Anzi, Saad bin Ibrahim Al-Shahrani, Saad bin Awad Al-Qahtani, Saud bin Khalaf Al-Shahrani, Sultan bin Ziyad Al-Otaibi, Salman bin Ali Al-Dhafeeri, Salman bin Eid Al-Shammari, Shuwairib bin Salem Al-Hajri, Saleh bin Aqel Al-Dhuwaihi, Saqr bin Awid Al-Anzi, Dhaif Allah bin Mujahid Al-Dossari, Ta’ees bin Ayed Al-Qahtani, Talal bin Waleed Al-Lahou, Adel bin Hassan Asiri, Adel bin Ghaleb Al-Buqami, Ayed bin Sarhan Al-Qahtani, Abdulhameed bin Saleh Al-Shammari, Abdullah bin Thamer Al-Shahrani, Abdulrahman bin Ahmed Asiri, Abdulrahman bin Adeeb Faqih, Abdulrahman bin Khalid Al-Mutairi, Abdulrahman bin Aish Al-Thubaiti, Abdulrahman bin Ali Al-Shamrani, Abdulrahman bin Muhammad Al-Afaleq, Abdulrahman bin Muhammad Al-Sharif, Abdulrahman bin Yahya Sahari, Abdul Salam bin Abdul Aziz Al-Qahtani, Abdul Aziz bin Ahmed Al-Anzi, Abdullah bin Atiyah Al-Zahrani, Abdul Aziz bin Abdullah Al-Talhi, Abdul Aziz bin Atallah Al-Juhani, Abdul Aziz bin Muhammad Al-Qahtani, Abdul Karim bin Muhammad Al-Marai, Abdul Latif bin Abdul Aziz Al-Khalidi, Abdullah bin Suqan Al-Zahrani, Abdullah bin Othman Al-Othman, Abdullah bin Muhammad Al-Turab, Abdullah bin Muhammad Al-Qahtani, Abdullah bin Muhammad Al-Gharsan, Abdullah bin Muaidhar Al-Muhsin, Abdullah bin Muaidh Al-Dossari, Abdullah Manqal Al-Anzi, Abdul Majeed bin Hammad Al-Arwan, Abdul Majeed bin Abdullah Kaabi, Abdul Hadi bin Ayed Al-Anzi, Obaidullah bin Hassan Al-Barakati, Ali bin Habib Al-Najjar, Ali bin Hassan Al-Foud, Ali bin Dhafer Al-Shehri, Ali bin Ammar Al-Sawad, Omar bin Fahd Al-Zahrani, Awad Suleiman Al-Zubaidi, Issa bin Yahya Ghazawi, Firas bin Mahras Al-Marri, Fallah bin Mudhi Al-Hajri, Fahd bin Hamed Al-Harbi, Fahd bin Sultan Al-Otaibi, Fahd bin Abdulrahman Al-Juhani, Faisal bin Mutaib Harisi.

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The names of the donors also included: Faisal bin Haif Al-Qahtani, Majid bin Abdullah Al-Harbi, Majid bin Abdu Mashikhi, Malik bin Abdu Al-Suraihi, Mutaib bin Muhsin Al-Dossari, Muhammad bin Talq Al-Hulaifi, Muhammad bin Baqir Al-Khadrawi, Muhammad bin Abdullah Al-Dossari, Muhammad bin Ali Al-Fay'a, Muhammad bin Ibrahim Asiri, Muhammad bin Amin Al-Ahmadi, Muhammad bin Ibrahim Khabrani, Muhammad bin Ibrahim Al-Khalif, Muhammad bin Ibrahim Al-Jumah, Muhammad bin Hussein Al-Bahrani, Muhammad bin Hamad Al-Mufarraj, Muhammad bin Salem Al-Marri, Muhammad bin Saad Al-Ahmari, Muhammad bin Abdulwahab Al-Suwai'i, Muhammad bin Abdu Al-Shahri, Muhammad bin Fayez Al-Ruwaili, Muhammad bin Fahd Al-Anzi, Muhammad bin Fahd Al-Muqrin, Muhammad bin Mutlaq Al-Otaibi, Muhammad bin Mizar Al-Shammari, Mishal bin Sulaiman Al-Shammari, Muq'ad bin Rathwan Al-Dossari, Mahli bin Salim Al-Harbi, Muhanna bin Saeed Al-Shalawi, Muhannad bin Abdullah Aba Al-Khail, Muhannad bin Muhammad Batrafi, Nader bin Mishal Al-Mutairi, Nader Bin Nafal Al-Harbi, Nasser Bader Al-Tariqi, Nasser bin Ayda Laajam, Nayef bin Nasser Al-Shahrani, Wael bin Mohammed Al-Anzi, Wajdi bin Awad Al-Marwani, Yasser bin Saleh Al-Yami, Yasser bin Abdullah Hamdi, Yahya bin Mohammed Ghafeeri, Yahya bin Abdullah Qaisi, Yousef bin Amer Al-Zahrani, Ibtisam bint Dabshi Al-Shammari, Israa bint Shater Al-Bahrani, Aseel bint Mohammed Al-Shaqari, Amal bint Jumaan Al-Qarni, Amal bint Ali Atein, Tahani bint Ali Al-Jadaani, Hessa bint Ahmed Al-Bakhit, Kholoud bint Mohammed Al-Muslimi, Khawla bint Ayed Al-Dossari, Khawla bint Mohsen Al-Baqami, Ruba bint Ibrahim Al-Saloum, Raja bint Kazem Al-Salama, Rahma bint Mohammed Al-Harthi, Ruqaya bint Ali Al-Hajji, Rahaf bint Fahd Al-Otaibi, Rawan bint Abdulhadi Al-Saadi, Reem bint Ali Al-Sharqi, Reem bint Dhafer Al-Asmari, Zahraa bint Shubeir Al-Ghanmi, Zainab bint Hajji Al-Mazraq, Zainab bint Ali Hamdi, Zainab bint Muhammad Asiri, Sarah bint Abdo Shami, Samar bint Salman Al-Shehri, Shahd bint Mubarak Al-Ahmadi, Shaima bint Eid Al-Shammari, Aisha bint Lafi Al-Jadaani, Ola Mansour Al-Qadi, Ghada bint Khalid bin Shuqair, Fawzia bint Muhammad Al-Shehri, Kawthar bint Adel Al-Abd Al-Salam, Lilac Ahmed Al-Hazmi, Laila bint Mughthi Al-Qaisi, Maram bint Amer Asiri, Maryam bint Saleh Al-Salbi, Maryam bint Abdulaziz Al-Jum'an, Maryam bint Ali Al-Shehri, Manar bint Muhammad Al-Shehri, Manal bint Nayidh Al-Rashidi, Mi'ad bint Ali Al-Shehri, Nafaa bint Awn Allah Al-Salmi, Naifa bint Abdulaziz Al-Ammar, Najoud Abdullah Al-Shehri, Naseem bint Muhammad Mujahid, Nawal bint Hussein Abdali, Noura bint Ibrahim Al-Mahmoudi, Noura bint Rashid Al-Ulayan, Noura bint Abdullah Al-Eid, Noura bint Abdullah Al-Ahmari, Noura bint Ali Al-Zahrani, Nouf bint Fallah Al-Qahtani, Huda bint Khamis Al-Dossari, Huda bint Sulaiman Al-Zahrani, Hanaa bint Atiyah Allah Al-Ansari, Haifa bint Abdulaziz Al-Nafisi, Munira bint Saleh bin Imran, Moudi bint Abdullah Al-Rashid.

The Saudi News Network first launched on Twitter via its official account, @SaudiNews50, and quickly became one of the Kingdom's leading independent news sources, thanks to its fast and reliable coverage of major local and international events. Due to the growing trust of its followers, the network expanded by launching its website, a comprehensive news platform offering regularly updated content in the fields of politics, economics, health, education, and national events, presented in a professional style that meets the public's expectations. The network strives to enhance public awareness and provide accurate information in a timely manner through on-the-ground reporting, in-depth analysis, and a specialized editorial team, making it a trusted source for anyone seeking up-to-the-minute Saudi news.

Politics

Aoun: Banning Hezbollah's military activities is a final decision for Lebanon's sovereignty

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun affirms that the ban on Hezbollah's military activities is an irreversible decision. The Cabinet, with the support of the five-member committee, has restricted the decision regarding war and peace to the state.

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Aoun: Banning Hezbollah's military activities is a final decision for Lebanon's sovereignty

In a remarkable development that is reshaping the political and security landscape in Lebanon, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun stressed that banning Hezbollah’s military and security activities is a “sovereign and final decision that cannot be reversed,” affirming the state’s determination to extend its full authority over all Lebanese territory.

This firm stance came in response to the outcomes of yesterday's (Monday's) cabinet meeting, which concluded with a historic decision affirming the Lebanese state's sole right to decide on matters of war and peace, and prohibiting all military and security activities outside the framework of the law and official institutions. Aoun clarified that the cabinet entrusted the Lebanese army and security forces with the task of implementing this crucial decision in all regions without exception.

Context of the decision and its field repercussions

For his part, Lebanese Prime Minister Nawaf Salam announced that Lebanon would begin enforcing a strict ban on Hezbollah's military activities. This swift government action follows a serious security deterioration, marked by the party's large-scale missile and drone attack on Israel, an operation Hezbollah described as "revenge" for the assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. This escalation has placed Lebanon before critical international and regional challenges, prompting the government to take preemptive steps to spare the country the devastating consequences of a full-scale war.

The importance of arms control and the decision of peace and war

This decision is of exceptional importance in the Lebanese context, where the issue of Hezbollah's weapons and the decision of war and peace have been subjects of intense political contention for decades. Observers note that consolidating these decisions in the hands of the state is the cornerstone of restoring national sovereignty and building a state based on institutions. The state's move to impose its security control reflects an official desire to abide by international resolutions and to insulate Lebanon from regional power struggles that have burdened its economy and security for many years.

International support and the five-member committee

On the diplomatic front, this Lebanese approach was met with immediate welcome and support. The Egyptian ambassador to Lebanon, Alaa Moussa, affirmed the full support of the "Quintet Committee" for the Lebanese state's steps. This committee comprises the ambassadors of influential countries (the United States, France, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Egypt) that play a pivotal role in helping Lebanon overcome its political and economic crises. This international support indicates that the international community is conditioning any future aid or economic recovery programs on the restoration of state sovereignty, thus placing the recent Lebanese decision in the realm of paramount national necessity to save the country.

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Politics

Khamenei's successor: The Assembly of Experts is taking action, and Washington prefers a friendly regime

Uncertainty surrounds Khamenei's successor after his assassination. The Assembly of Experts emphasizes the need for a swift selection, while Washington prefers a friendly regime without pursuing regime change. An analysis of the Iranian landscape.

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Khamenei's successor: The Assembly of Experts is taking action, and Washington prefers a friendly regime

The political landscape in Tehran remains shrouded in uncertainty and cautious anticipation following the announcement of the assassination of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in a series of airstrikes targeting his compound in the capital—an event marking a pivotal turning point in the history of the Islamic Republic. All eyes are now on the Assembly of Experts, the constitutional body tasked with selecting the country's supreme leader, amidst international and regional speculation about who will fill this significant leadership vacuum.

Council of Experts: The decision will not be long in coming

In the first official reaction to the succession process, Ali Moallemi, a member of the Assembly of Experts, stated that the selection of a successor to the Supreme Leader "will not take long." In press statements carried by the ISNA news agency, Moallemi emphasized that the Assembly is aware of the sensitivity of the current situation, noting that "members of the Assembly have sworn a constitutional and legal oath that personal desires or narrow factional and partisan affiliations will not interfere in the selection of the new Supreme Leader." This indicates the religious establishment's desire to demonstrate internal cohesion and quickly contain the situation.

Selection mechanism and historical background

To understand the context of this event, it's important to note that the Assembly of Experts consists of 88 jurists elected by direct vote. Their primary task, according to the Iranian constitution, is to appoint the Supreme Leader, oversee his work, and dismiss him if necessary. In this context, Iranian memory recalls the experience of 1989, following the death of the Islamic Republic's founder, Ruhollah Khomeini. The Assembly convened in an emergency session and selected Ali Khamenei as his successor in a swift transition that averted chaos. Today, the Assembly faces a similar challenge, but within a more complex geopolitical landscape.

The American position: Seeking a friendly regime

Internationally, American statements reflected a delicate balance between strategic interests and political realism. US Vice President Jay D. Vance explained that the US administration was closely monitoring the situation, noting that Washington "prefers a friendly regime" in Tehran. These statements suggest that the United States, despite deep disagreements, may not necessarily seek "regime change" in the radical sense that could lead to regional chaos, but rather aspires to the rise of a new leadership that might be more pragmatic or less confrontational with Western interests.

Potential regional and international repercussions

This event carries implications that extend far beyond Iran's borders. The Supreme Leader has the final say on foreign and military policy, including managing the nuclear program and supporting regional allies. Therefore, the identity of the next Supreme Leader will determine the shape of future relations with neighboring countries and major powers. Observers fear that any prolonged period of political vacuum could lead to internal power struggles that could negatively impact regional stability and global energy markets, which explains the Assembly of Experts' haste in reassuring both domestic and international audiences.

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Politics

Saudi Arabia condemns the Iranian attack on the US embassy and vows to retaliate

The Kingdom strongly condemns the Iranian attack on the US Embassy in Riyadh, and affirms its right to respond and protect its territory, warning against a dangerous escalation that violates the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations.

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Saudi Arabia condemns the Iranian attack on the US embassy and vows to retaliate
US Embassy in Riyadh

The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia today (Tuesday) expressed its strongest condemnation of the Iranian attack targeting the US Embassy in Riyadh. The Kingdom considers this hostile act a blatant violation of its sovereignty and a direct threat to security and stability in the region, affirming its categorical rejection of such criminal acts, which contravene all international values ​​and principles.

Violation of international conventions and diplomatic immunity

The Kingdom affirmed in its statement that the repetition of this cowardly and unjustified attack blatantly violates all international norms and laws, most notably the 1949 Geneva Conventions and the 1961 Vienna Conventions on Diplomatic Relations. It is worth noting that the Vienna Convention explicitly stipulates the inviolability of diplomatic premises and obligates host states and all parties to protect diplomatic missions and their personnel, granting them full immunity even in cases of armed conflict. This makes this attack a grave violation of international law that warrants accountability.

A dangerous escalation despite de-escalation initiatives

The Kingdom stressed that this blatant Iranian behavior is occurring at a sensitive time, despite the Iranian authorities' full awareness of Saudi Arabia's balanced stance. The Kingdom has previously affirmed that it will not allow its airspace or territory to be used as a platform to target Iran. Analysts indicate that Tehran's attack, despite Saudi assurances, reflects a desire to push the region toward further escalation and chaos, and undermines any efforts aimed at strengthening regional security.

The right of reply and the protection of national sovereignty

In closing, the Kingdom reiterated its firm and legitimate right to take all necessary measures to protect its national security, territorial integrity, and the lives of its citizens and residents, as well as its vital interests. Riyadh clarified that all options remain on the table, including a military response to this aggression, noting that leniency towards such transgressions could embolden the aggressor to further recklessness, which the Kingdom will not permit under any circumstances.

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