Politics
With the King's approval, the King Abdulaziz Medal of the Third Class was awarded to 200 organ donors
The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, has approved granting 200 male and female donors from among the citizens
The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, has approved the awarding of the King Abdulaziz Medal of the Third Class to 200 male and female citizens who donated one of their major organs, whether the organ was from a living person or from a brain-dead person.
The following are the names of the donors: Ibrahim bin Muhammad bin Yahya Asiri, Ahmed bin Awid bin Jad'an Al-Manq Al-Shammari, Ahmed bin Muhammad bin Mash'atar Al-Yatimi, Ahmed bin Ali bin Omar Hawasawi, Al-Humaidi bin Sa'iqar bin Jarshan Al-Haris, Anas bin Hussein bin Mutlaq Al-Masoudi, Badr bin Sa'faq bin Hazza' Al-Suwailmi Al-Anzi, Bandar bin Ibrahim bin Ali Al-Wahhabi, Bandar bin Khalaf bin Abdulaziz Al-Dabasi, Bandar bin Sultan bin Khalaf Al-Dahamsi Al-Anzi, Bandar bin Muhammad bin Hassan bin Dureihim, Bandar bin Musa bin Muhammad Bahran, Turki bin Faisal bin Waqyan Al-Ghaithi Al-Dossari, Jaber bin Yahya bin Muhammad Asiri, Hakim bin Hussein bin Dughaim Al-Mizani Al-Mutairi, Hussein bin Ali bin Muhammad Al-Hadriti, Hussein bin Awad bin Ali Al Salem, Khalid bin Saad bin Ali Al-Ahmari, Khalid bin Suwailim bin Za'al Al-Qadi Al-Balawi, Khalid bin Shabib bin Naif Al-Muqati Al-Otaibi, Khalid bin Abdul Rahman bin Mastour Al-Hussaiki Al-Harthi, Khalid bin Abdul Karim bin Ali Al Matar, Khalid bin Musnad bin Abdullah Al-Mahashir Al-Hajri, Khalaf bin Lafi bin Munawwar Al-Ma'kali Al-Shammari, Rashid bin Mubarak bin Abdul Rahman Al-Ruwaiss, Raed bin Abdullah bin Ayda Al-Asimi Al-Maliki, Zain Al-Abidin bin Hassan bin Ali Abdullah Al-Harazi, Salem bin Jarallah bin Saleh Al Balabil, Sami bin Abdullah bin Muhammad Al-Mashayikh Al-Qarni, Sami bin Mutaib bin Aamq Al-Subaie Al-Anzi, Saad bin Dhaidan bin Muslim Al-Sharbi Al-Shammari, Saud bin Mansour bin Ali Al-Dhalan, Saud bin Khalid bin Saud Al-Qahtani, Sultan bin Hamoud bin Sultan Al-Baydhani Al-Harbi, Sultan bin Aref bin Ghazi Al-Salmani Al-Shammari, Sultan bin Abdullah bin Abdul Wahab Idris, Sultan bin Muhammad bin Abdul Aziz Al-Hudaib, Salim bin Hassan bin Salem Al Hazba Al-Ghamdi, Sayyar bin Naji bin Sayyar Al-Fataiman Al-Shammari, Saif bin Abdullah bin Saeed Al Nasser, Shari' bin Masoud bin Shari' Al-Shahrani, Shaqran bin Hamed bin Razin Al-Khamash, Saqr bin Hadi bin Sakhil Al-Subaie Al-Anzi, Talal bin Anizan bin Qaimil Al-Shalaqi Al-Shammari, Atif bin Awad bin Ahmed Al-Mufarrah Al-Shahri, Abdul Aziz bin Fayez bin Salem Al-Subaie Al-Anzi, Abdul-Ilah bin Ahmed bin Mohammed Al-Hariri Al-Zahrani, Abdul Rahman bin Hamid bin Ali Al-Subhi, Abdul Rahman bin Samir bin Abdul Karim Sheikh, Abdul Rahman bin Abdullah bin Saleh Bahashwan, Abdul Rahman bin Abdullah bin Musleh Al-Saeeri Al-Mutairi, Abdul Rahman bin Eid bin Qasim Al-Banqidi Al-Dossari, Abdul Salam bin Fayez bin Ahmed Al Shaher Al-Shahri, Abdul Ali bin Dhawi bin Awad Al-Osaimi Al-Otaibi, Abdul Aziz bin Jayez bin Suleiman Al-Atawneh Al-Azmi, Abdul Aziz bin Atiyah bin Abdul Husseini, Abdul Aziz bin Ali bin Abdul Aziz Al-Muzaini, Abdul Aziz bin Mardi bin Dhafer Al-Qarni, Abdul Rahman bin Muthqab bin Jubran Makhresh, Abdul Qader bin Saeed bin Abdul Qader Al-Maadi Al-Shaykhi, Abdul Karim bin Ibrahim bin Mohammed Al-Omairi, Abdul Latif bin Yahya bin Hussein Al-Naqqash Al-Maliki, Abdullah bin Ahmed bin Abdullah Al-Qudani Al-Anzi, Abdullah bin Ibrahim bin Abdul-Muhsin Al-Manna, Abdullah bin Ahmed bin Nazal Al-Musa’id, Abdullah bin Jassas bin Thabit Hakami, Abdullah bin Jumhur bin Salman Al-Murshidi Al-Otaibi, Abdullah bin Hussein bin Abdullah Al-Sharif, Abdullah bin Ali bin Abdullah Al-Hamaqi, Abdullah bin Musa’id bin Abdullah Al-Suwaid, Abdullah bin Nasser bin Manahi Al-Jarou, Abdul-Majid bin Sant bin Lafi Al-Haisouni Al-Harbi, Abdul-Majid bin Musawi bin Abdullah Haddadi, Abdul-Majid bin Yahya bin Ali Bajawi, Abdul-Hadi bin Ghumaidh bin Awad Al-Shatiti Al-Mutairi, Othman bin Muhammad bin Yahya Harisi, Askar bin Hamoud bin Surur Al-Maimouni Al-Mutairi, Ali bin Abdul-Rahman bin Muhammad Al-Rifai Al-Shamrani, Ali bin Shuaib bin Ali Sahli, Ali bin Saleh bin Hanash Al-Humaizah Al-Shahri, Ali bin Saleh bin Ali Sam’i Al-Ghamdi, Ali bin Muhammad bin Ali Dimi Bajawi, Eid bin Muhammad bin Mut’ib Al-Saleh, Issa bin Ahmed bin Yahya Abdali, Issa bin Muhammad bin Ali Kanani, Ghaith bin Muhammad bin Ghaith Al-Hajouri Al-Juhani, Faris bin Fayid bin Hadyan Al-Khadra Al-Sharari, Falih bin Muhammad Saeed bin Fahd Al-Hazmi Al-Harbi, Fahd bin Awad bin Eid Al-Wusaidi Al-Harbi, Fahd bin Shubaikan bin Jarallah Al-Jaafari Al-Anzi, Fahd bin Mubarak bin Hussein Al-Hawamleh Al-Dossari, Faisal bin Saad bin Sharar Al-Shalawi, Faisal bin Fahd bin Muhammad Al-Thubaiti Al-Otaibi, Faisal bin Mufreh bin Salem Al-Jaafari Al-Anzi, Faisal Mash’a Aqil Al-Mutairi, Kamal bin Ayed bin Manawer Al-Shamlani Al-Anzi, Mubarak bin Ali bin Awad Al-Hajhaji Al-Ghamdi, Mubarak Muhammad bin Mubarak Al-Bawardi, Muhammad bin Ahmed bin Muhammad bin Yusuf Al-Osmani Al-Maliki, Muhammad bin Ghazi bin Muflih Al-Fadhili, Muhammad bin Jaber bin Hussein Al Aba Al-Sheikh, Muhammad bin Hamoud bin Muhammad Al-Jubail Al-Mutairi, Muhammad bin Khalaf bin Ayed Al-Hazri Al-Aklabi, Muhammad bin Zare’ bin Ali Al-Bariqi, Mohammed bin Saud bin Ghazi Al-Adhila Al-Mutairi, Mohammed bin Saud bin Muflih Al-Qunaizi Al-Ghamdi, Mohammed bin Abdullah bin Mohammed Al-Dhaian, Mohammed bin Abdullah bin Marshoud Al-Saidi, Mohammed bin Obaid bin Matar Al-Muqati Al-Otaibi, Mohammed bin Awad bin Attallah Al-Farsi, Mohammed bin Mazhar bin Mohammed Al-Bakri Al-Shahri, Mohammed bin Mahdi bin Awad Al-Nasiri Al-Qahtani, Mohammed bin Hani bin Mohammed Saidi, Mohammed Hamad bin Mohammed bin Mahdi Al-Mubti Al-Qahtani, Murtada bin Abdul Jalil bin Mohammed Al-Fardan, Mardi bin Ali bin Khalifa Al-Buwaitil Al-Anzi, Mishari bin Sulaiman bin Mardi Al-Rafdi, Mishal bin Khalid bin Mohammed Al-Furaidi Al-Harbi, Mishal bin Zain bin Madhi Al-Jash Al-Mutairi, Mishal bin Ali bin Shari’ Al-Qahtani, Mashhour bin Abdullah bin Eid Al-Arari Al-Rashidi, Mustafa bin Makki bin Saeed Abu Taki, Mu’jib bin Mohammed bin Saeed Al-Masoud Al-Qahtani, Malfi bin Saad bin Nasser Al-Malfi Al-Dossari, Mu’eed bin Ali bin Mohammed Asiri, Mamdouh bin Awda Bin Salem Al-Wabsi Al-Balawi, Manzil Bin Khalaf Bin Issa Al-Shamroukhi Al-Shammari, Mansour Bin Nasser Bin Musfir Al-Shaiban Al-Ghamdi, Mumi Bin Marouei Bin Mohsen Safhi, Nader Bin Sayel Bin Awqian Al-Husseini Al-Shammari, Nasser Bin Khalid Bin Nasser Al-Houti, Nasser Bin Mohammed Bin Jaber Al-Fatih, Nasser Bin Mohammed Bin Mohsen Al-Assaf, Nasser Bin Musfir Bin Hadi Al-Shaib Al-Qahtani, Nasser Bin Naami Bin Hussein Alwan, Nawaf Bin Salem Bin Muhaymid Al-Rousa Al-Sharari, Nawaf Bin Saleh Bin Abdullah Al-Suwaidan, Nawaf Bin Abdul Rahman Bin Mohammed Al-Qushairi Al-Shahri, Nawaf Bin Marji Bin Juhaim Al-Kuwaikibi Al-Ruwaili, Hadi Bin Ali Bin Hadi Qarshi Hazazi, Hashem Bin Awad Bin Abdullah Al-Mutawi’ Al-Amri, Hani Bin Sayer Bin Barak Al-Muhaymizi Al-Rashidi, Waleed Bin Rajaan Bin Ghunaim Al-Zamil Al-Shammari, Hay Bin Ali Bin Ahmed Alawi, Yousef Bin Radhi Bin Khalaf Al-Jaafari Al-Anzi, Yousef Bin Mohammed Bin Ahmed Al-Halimi, Abahir bint Hamad bin Hazza' al-Khanfari al-Qahtani, Ahmadiyah bint Radah bin Bahni Al Abiyan al-Muzaini, Ashwaq bint Reda bin Fawaz al-Rahili, Amani bint Mubarak bin Salim al-Tuwaili'i al-Anzi, Amal bint Saeed bin Ibrahim Asiri, Amal bint Abdulaziz bin Faraj Deishi, Anwar bint Salim bin Jadou' al-Kuwaikibi, Badriyah bint Jaber bin Hassan al-Daqri al-Fifi, Turkiyah bint Suwailim bin Salem al-Damouki al-Rashidi, Hanan Yahya bin Ahmed bin Hussein Doudani, Khuloud bint Qaid bin Ghaleb al-Zarari, Rahmah bint Salem bin Mohammed Al Mohammed bin Laith al-Sa'iri, Rand bint Ibrahim bin Abdullah al-Zaid, Reem bint Mabrouk bin Mohammed al-Nasser al-Muammar, Zainab bint Hassan bin Atiq al-Amri, Sahar bint Aliyan bin Ali al-Sahafi, Sahar bint Mansour bin Ibrahim Abu al-Khair, Salwa bint Abdullah bin Mohammed Rabi', Samar Ali bin Rashid bin Ahmed Al Abu Ras al-Ahmari, Samrah bint Musa'id bin Bakhit Al Hatrash, Samirah bint Saad bin Ahmed al-Kalthami, Shaqra' bint Ali bin Mohammed Khalil, Shahd bint Mohammed bin Saghir Al-Yabsi Al-Mutairi, Saliha bint Amer bin Ali Al-Qarbi Al-Bariqi, Samoud bint Saleh bin Mohammed Al-Khader, Aisha bint Safar bin Abdul-Malik Al-Asi Al-Maliki, Aisha bint Atiq bin Salim Al-Aqili Al-Atwi, Aisha bint Ali bin Abdullah Abu Najla, Ablah bint Hamad bin Mohammed Al-Subaih Al-Khalidi, Abeer bint Hamid bin Mohammed Al-Sakhiri, Adila bint Mustafa bin Ibrahim Al-Jarfi, Ahed bint Fahd bin Hamad Al-Shaib Al-Qahtani, Awatif bint Qasim bin Ali Al-Quwaiani Al-Balawi, Fatima bint Adi bin Manar Al-Yazid Al-Qahtani, Fatima bint Marai bin Mohammed Arabi, Layal bint Nizar bin Abdul-Barr Al-Qain, Layoun bint Faisal bin Saad Al-Kharji, Muzna bint Hamoud bin Farihan Al-Adhyani Al-Harthi, Musahya bint Saeed bin Farhan Al-Eid, Malika bint Abdul-Muhsin bin Al-Humaidi Al-Muhsin, Munira bint Abdul-Aziz bin Mohammed Al-Mishal, Moudhi bint Abdul-Rahman bin Nasser Al-Aqili, Mai bint Saad bin Abdullah Al-Qarmoudi Al-Baqami, Mai bint Abdullah Bin Saad Al-Kulaib, Najd Bint Yousef Bin Mutlaq Bin Muhammad Al-Dhiyabi Al-Otaibi, Nada Bint Abdul Aziz Bin Fahd Safyan, Nafla Bint Owaind Bin Mu’taq Al-Hashal, Noura Bint Badi’ Bin Nasser Nasser, Noura Bint Abdullah Bin Munif Al-Muna’i, Noura Bint Muhammad Bin Abdullah Al-Natif, Nouf Bint Eid Bin Khalaf Al-Hafi Al-Otaibi, Nouf Bint Muhammad Bin Yahya Mahdi Jarrah, Wajdan Bint Muhammad Bin Hassan Al-Amri, Wa’ad Bint Abdullah Bin Saleh Al-Fahigi.
Politics
Trump demands $1 billion in damages from Harvard amid political accusations
Donald Trump is demanding $1 billion in damages from Harvard University and deciding to sever ties, accusing the university of anti-Semitism and extreme leftism in an escalating legal and financial battle.
In an unprecedented escalation of the strained relationship between the White House and prestigious academic institutions, US President Donald Trump announced that his administration intends to demand substantial financial compensation from Harvard University, amounting to $1 billion. This announcement came via a post on the social media platform TruthSocial, where Trump affirmed his intention to sever all future ties with the university. He cited unspecified damages in his post, but linked them to a broader ideological and political context.
This demand comes amid a heated legal and administrative battle. Last December, the Trump administration appealed a previous court ruling that deemed the government's withholding of more than $2 billion in federal grants to Harvard University illegal. The administration insists on its right to freeze or cancel this research funding, a move that would severely impact the finances of one of the world's richest and most prestigious universities.
The US president bases his ongoing attacks on Harvard on accusations that the university has become susceptible to what he calls "anti-Semitic ideologies" and "radical leftist" tendencies. This stance reflects a broader conflict between the Republican Party and prestigious American universities (the Ivy League), where conservatives accuse these institutions of failing to protect Jewish students, allowing hate speech to flourish under the guise of free speech, and promoting liberal agendas that, in their view, conflict with traditional American values.
Historically and financially, major research universities like Harvard rely heavily on federal funding to support scientific and medical discoveries. Therefore, Trump's threat to cut funding and demand compensation is not merely a political maneuver; it poses an existential threat to the existing scientific research model in the United States and could negatively impact the university's global academic standing if these threats are carried out.
Trump had indicated earlier last year that his administration was close to reaching a settlement with Harvard involving a $500 million payment from the university after months of negotiations over its internal policies. However, the current demand for $1 billion suggests that those negotiations have collapsed and that the situation is heading toward further legal and political escalation, making the future of the relationship between Washington and America's oldest university fraught with risk and uncertainty.
Politics
Pezeshkian agrees to talks with America: Terms and details
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian announces his agreement to talks with the US under specific conditions. Learn about the background of this decision and its impact on the nuclear agreement and economic sanctions.
In a significant diplomatic development that could reshape the strained relations between Tehran and Washington, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian gave the green light on Tuesday to begin a new round of negotiations with the United States. Pezeshkian emphasized that this step is in response to Iran's supreme national interests, while also stressing the need for a healthy negotiating environment free from the language of threats and maximum pressure that characterized previous rounds.
In an official statement posted on the "X" platform, the Iranian president explained that he had given direct instructions to the foreign minister and his diplomatic team to create the appropriate conditions for fair and equitable negotiations. This Iranian move came in response to urgent demands from friendly regional countries that had played a mediating role in bridging the gap between the two sides, urging Tehran to engage positively with the proposals put forward by the US president regarding opening channels for direct dialogue.
the historical context and the complexities of the nuclear agreement
. This crisis has escalated considerably since 2018, when the United States unilaterally withdrew from the nuclear agreement (the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA) and reimposed crippling economic sanctions on Tehran. Since then, attempts to revive the agreement have repeatedly faltered due to mutual distrust and Washington's insistence on expanding its scope to include Iran's ballistic missile program and regional influence—demands that Tehran vehemently rejects.
Economic motives and internal pressures:
Observers believe that President Pezeshkian's flexibility, as a reformist, reflects a genuine desire to break the international isolation and alleviate the burden of sanctions that have crippled the Iranian economy and caused high inflation rates. This call for talks is part of Pezeshkian's campaign promises to improve the living conditions of citizens through constructive diplomacy with the West, provided that national sovereignty is preserved.
Regionally and internationally
, this potential rapprochement is of paramount importance to Middle Eastern states, as US-Iranian dialogue is seen as crucial for de-escalating tensions in the region, from maritime security in the Gulf to the complex issues in Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon. Internationally, global energy markets are watching closely for any breakthrough that might allow Iranian oil to flow freely again, potentially contributing to price stability. However, the success of this initiative hinges on Washington's willingness to offer concrete guarantees and avoid what Pezeshkian termed "unreasonable expectations."
Politics
Britain imposes sanctions on Iranian officials over crackdown on protests
Britain announces new sanctions against 10 Iranian officials, including police and Revolutionary Guard commanders, in response to the crackdown on protesters. Learn more about the details and the implications of the decision.
In a new escalation reflecting strained diplomatic relations between London and Tehran, the British government announced a package of tough sanctions targeting 10 prominent Iranian officials, as well as security entities, in response to what the United Kingdom described as "systematic violence" perpetrated by the authorities against protesters during the recent wave of protests in the country.
Details of the penalties and those covered by them
The new blacklist included high-ranking figures in the Iranian security and political hierarchy, most notably the Interior Minister and senior police commanders. The sanctions were not limited to individuals but also extended to the Iranian Law Enforcement Forces (FRAJA), considered the main arm responsible for dealing with protests on the ground.
The sanctions also targeted members of Iran's Revolutionary Guard, a businessman linked to it, and two judges, indicating a British focus on the security, judicial, and economic systems that support repression. These sanctions include freezing the financial assets of those sanctioned within the United Kingdom, imposing a comprehensive travel ban, and preventing them from holding any administrative positions or engaging in any business activities that fall under British law.
The official British position
Commenting on these decisions, British Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper affirmed that this step comes within the framework of the United Kingdom's commitment to holding those responsible for human rights violations accountable. Cooper praised what she described as the "remarkable courage" shown by the Iranian people in the face of the security apparatus, considering the sanctions a clear message against the "violent campaign of repression" being waged by the authorities in Tehran.
General context and international dimensions
These sanctions come at a time when Iran is facing significant internal challenges, including widespread protests demanding political and social reforms. The authorities have responded to these movements with harsh security measures, drawing widespread criticism from international human rights organizations and Western governments.
Observers believe that the British move is not an isolated incident, but rather part of a broader coordinated effort among Western countries (including the United States and the European Union) to increase Tehran's political and economic isolation. These coordinated actions aim to pressure the Iranian regime to change its behavior regarding human rights, as well as other contentious issues such as its nuclear program and its regional role.
These sanctions are expected to lead to further stagnation in bilateral relations between the two countries, as Tehran usually considers such measures to be blatant interference in its internal affairs, which may lead to reciprocal diplomatic actions and an escalation in political rhetoric between the two capitals in the coming period.
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